Ageing and Society, 26(6), November 2006, pp.883-900.
Publisher:
Cambridge University Press
This paper examines older people's contrasting images of older people as ‘those like us’ and as ‘others’. It draws on data from a qualitative study about the experience of ageing that was undertaken in partnership with two local groups of older people in England. Whilst the informants acknowledged their chronological age, changes in appearance and physical limitations, most did not describe back’, and were usually attributed to acquaintances known only at a distance. The victims of old age were primarily people with dementia, who were perceived as ‘needing to be looked after’ and objects of pity and concern. The paper explores the ways in which these various images of old age related to people's self-identity and management of the ageing process; especially in a society that has
This paper examines older people's contrasting images of older people as ‘those like us’ and as ‘others’. It draws on data from a qualitative study about the experience of ageing that was undertaken in partnership with two local groups of older people in England. Whilst the informants acknowledged their chronological age, changes in appearance and physical limitations, most did not describe themselves as old. They challenged the idea of older people as being ‘past it’. Older people who personified their own values of inter-dependence, reciprocity and keeping going were seen as ‘heroines’ of old age, but negative stereotypes were ascribed simultaneously to others, ‘the villains’. Aspects of behaviour which evoked censure were ‘giving up’; ‘refusal to be helped’ and ‘taking without putting back’, and were usually attributed to acquaintances known only at a distance. The victims of old age were primarily people with dementia, who were perceived as ‘needing to be looked after’ and objects of pity and concern. The paper explores the ways in which these various images of old age related to people's self-identity and management of the ageing process; especially in a society that has ambivalent conceptions of old age. The findings contribute to an understanding of how people's values underpin their conception of ‘a good old age’ and how they shape their interpretation of societal stereotypes. They also indicate the importance of considering whose voices are heard in the context of exploring the identity and contributions of older people to achieve a more inclusive society.
This paper presents a new scale for the assessment of the salience of age in social interaction and of levels of agreement with four age stereotypical assertions, about the characteristics of people in the ‘third age’ and the ‘fourth age’, about older people's social roles and social participation, and about the problems for society produced by population ageing. The scale was constructed and potentials of development’, old age as a time of ‘developmental losses and risks of development’, ‘the social downgrading of older people’, and believing that ‘older people are a burden on society’. For age stereotypes and age salience, no significant sex differences were found, but those aged 58–64 years held more optimistic views about old age and population ageing than both the younger and the older age
This paper presents a new scale for the assessment of the salience of age in social interaction and of levels of agreement with four age stereotypical assertions, about the characteristics of people in the ‘third age’ and the ‘fourth age’, about older people's social roles and social participation, and about the problems for society produced by population ageing. The scale was constructed by testing the agreement of a national sample of 804 German respondents aged 41–84 years with over 60 item-statements in two pilot studies. The final scale has 24 items, and was tested using a stratified sample of 1,275 subjects aged 40–75 years. Five postulated subscales were confirmed using principal components analysis: ‘age salience’ in social interaction, old age as a time of ‘developmental gains and potentials of development’, old age as a time of ‘developmental losses and risks of development’, ‘the social downgrading of older people’, and believing that ‘older people are a burden on society’. For age stereotypes and age salience, no significant sex differences were found, but those aged 58–64 years held more optimistic views about old age and population ageing than both the younger and the older age groups (with no differences between the latter). Moreover, age stereotypes and age salience varied by several social-economic variables, particularly occupational status, the rate of unemployment in the region of residence, and being resident in the eastern or western part of Germany. No significant interactions between age group and sex were found for any of the five subscales.
Journal of Social Issues, 61(2), June 2005, pp.241-266.
Publisher:
Wiley
This meta-analytic review of 232 effect sizes showed that, across five categories, attitudes were more negative toward older than younger adults. Perceived age differences were largest for age stereotypes and smallest for evaluations. As predicted by social role theory effect sizes were reduced when detailed information was provided about the person being rated. The double standard of aging emerged for evaluations and behavior/behavioral intentions, but was reversed for the competence category. Perceptions depended on respondent age also. Results demonstrated both the multi-dimensionality and the complexity of attitudes toward older adults.
This meta-analytic review of 232 effect sizes showed that, across five categories, attitudes were more negative toward older than younger adults. Perceived age differences were largest for age stereotypes and smallest for evaluations. As predicted by social role theory effect sizes were reduced when detailed information was provided about the person being rated. The double standard of aging emerged for evaluations and behavior/behavioral intentions, but was reversed for the competence category. Perceptions depended on respondent age also. Results demonstrated both the multi-dimensionality and the complexity of attitudes toward older adults.
Subject terms:
older people, stereotyped attitudes, age discrimination, ageing;
Negative images of old age can harm older individuals’ cognitive and physical functioning and health. Yet, older people may be confronted with age stereotypes that are inconsistent with their own personal beliefs. This study examines the implications for older people's wellbeing of three distinct elements of age stereotypes: their personal beliefs about their age group, their perception about how others generally perceive older people (i.e. their meta-stereotypes) and the societal age stereotypes that are empirically widely shared in society. Using measures from the Stereotype Content Model and survey data of older people from the United Kingdom (UK) (Study 1, N = 171), this study found only partial overlap between older people's personal beliefs and their meta-stereotypes. Personal beliefs were unrelated to wellbeing, but positive meta-stereotypes of older people's competence were linked to higher wellbeing. These findings were largely replicated with a sample of baby-boomers from Switzerland (Study 2, N = 400) controlling for socio-demographics. Study 3 used representative survey data (N = 10,803) across 29 European countries, to test and confirm that the link between positive competence meta-stereotypes and wellbeing can be generalised to different cultures, and that positive warmth meta-stereotypes were an additional predictor. At the country level, societal age stereotypes about competence were positively related to the wellbeing of older people, but only in countries that provide greater opportunities for competence attainment.
(Edited publisher abstract)
Negative images of old age can harm older individuals’ cognitive and physical functioning and health. Yet, older people may be confronted with age stereotypes that are inconsistent with their own personal beliefs. This study examines the implications for older people's wellbeing of three distinct elements of age stereotypes: their personal beliefs about their age group, their perception about how others generally perceive older people (i.e. their meta-stereotypes) and the societal age stereotypes that are empirically widely shared in society. Using measures from the Stereotype Content Model and survey data of older people from the United Kingdom (UK) (Study 1, N = 171), this study found only partial overlap between older people's personal beliefs and their meta-stereotypes. Personal beliefs were unrelated to wellbeing, but positive meta-stereotypes of older people's competence were linked to higher wellbeing. These findings were largely replicated with a sample of baby-boomers from Switzerland (Study 2, N = 400) controlling for socio-demographics. Study 3 used representative survey data (N = 10,803) across 29 European countries, to test and confirm that the link between positive competence meta-stereotypes and wellbeing can be generalised to different cultures, and that positive warmth meta-stereotypes were an additional predictor. At the country level, societal age stereotypes about competence were positively related to the wellbeing of older people, but only in countries that provide greater opportunities for competence attainment.
(Edited publisher abstract)
This guide is designed as a practical tool to support organisations in communicating about ageing and older age. The way people currently talk about ageing and older age is largely negative. To change this conversation we need to stop reinforcing these beliefs – and tell a new story. Small changes to the ways that we speak and write about ageing and older age, if applied consistently, could have
(Edited publisher abstract)
This guide is designed as a practical tool to support organisations in communicating about ageing and older age. The way people currently talk about ageing and older age is largely negative. To change this conversation we need to stop reinforcing these beliefs – and tell a new story. Small changes to the ways that we speak and write about ageing and older age, if applied consistently, could have a big impact. The guide sets out five age-friendly communications principles, which are: shift associations with frailty, vulnerability and dependency – being older doesn’t necessarily mean you are frail, vulnerable or dependent; use preferred terminology – the term older adult(s) or older person/people is respectful and should be the standard if there is a clear need to reference the age of someone or group; avoid ‘othering’ and compassionate ageism – avoid using terms and language that evokes undue pity and makes older people sound like another group that’s separate from the rest of society; don’t stoke conflict between generations – while views vary across age groups, the majority of the public don’t agree that older people benefit at the expense of younger people; think carefully about imagery – it is important to show diverse, realistic and positive representations of older people.
(Edited publisher abstract)
Subject terms:
older people, ageing, age discrimination, communication, stereotyped attitudes;
Quality in Ageing, 10(4), December 2009, pp.49-52.
Publisher:
Pier Professional
Place of publication:
Brighton
... to receiving positive feedback and having creative fun. It describes 2 theatre projects in which elder participants develop their creativity, explore issues to do with the ageing process, and confront many of the stereotypes about growing old. It discusses the effects of these projects on the participants, their friends and families, and the wider community.
This article starts by arguing that, rather than considering the older generation as a problem for society, old age should be a time for new skills, for development and change. In particular, it discusses the role that drama can play for older people, teaching skill development and retention, role training, social communication and support, understanding societal problems, and leading to receiving positive feedback and having creative fun. It describes 2 theatre projects in which elder participants develop their creativity, explore issues to do with the ageing process, and confront many of the stereotypes about growing old. It discusses the effects of these projects on the participants, their friends and families, and the wider community.
Subject terms:
older people, stereotyped attitudes, ageing, drama, drama therapy;
Ageing and Society, 28(1), January 2008, pp.103-130.
Publisher:
Cambridge University Press
Over the past 15 years, a growing body of research has shown that people with Alzheimer's disease (AD) are affected not only by brain neuropathology but also by their reactions to its effects, by the environments in which they live, and by how they are treated by others. Nevertheless, three relatively neglected social influences on people with AD remain to be examined: negative stereotyping, negative self-stereotyping and stereotype threat. Numerous studies reviewed in this paper indicate that: (1) negative self-stereotypes at conscious and unconscious levels can have adverse effects on the performance of healthy elderly people on tasks demanding explicit memory (recall in particular), and (2) the mere threat of being stereotyped negatively can have adverse effects on the performance of healthy elderly people on tasks including those involving memory. This paper discusses the relevance of these phenomena for the understanding and treatment of people with AD who are exposed to negative stereotypes about old age and about AD before and after they are diagnosed. There is evidence to suggest that these influences may have significant effects on people with AD. The paper concludes with recommendations for best practice in the treatment of people with AD in the light of the most apparent effects of negative self-stereotyping and stereotype threat. These include advocacy for an approach that involves aspects of counselling.
Over the past 15 years, a growing body of research has shown that people with Alzheimer's disease (AD) are affected not only by brain neuropathology but also by their reactions to its effects, by the environments in which they live, and by how they are treated by others. Nevertheless, three relatively neglected social influences on people with AD remain to be examined: negative stereotyping, negative self-stereotyping and stereotype threat. Numerous studies reviewed in this paper indicate that: (1) negative self-stereotypes at conscious and unconscious levels can have adverse effects on the performance of healthy elderly people on tasks demanding explicit memory (recall in particular), and (2) the mere threat of being stereotyped negatively can have adverse effects on the performance of healthy elderly people on tasks including those involving memory. This paper discusses the relevance of these phenomena for the understanding and treatment of people with AD who are exposed to negative stereotypes about old age and about AD before and after they are diagnosed. There is evidence to suggest that these influences may have significant effects on people with AD. The paper concludes with recommendations for best practice in the treatment of people with AD in the light of the most apparent effects of negative self-stereotyping and stereotype threat. These include advocacy for an approach that involves aspects of counselling.
This American article discusses the manifestations of ageism that are apparent in the education and training of professionals who provide health services to older people. It looks briefly at what can be done to change attitudes.
This American article discusses the manifestations of ageism that are apparent in the education and training of professionals who provide health services to older people. It looks briefly at what can be done to change attitudes.
Journal of Social Issues, 61(2), June 2005, pp.207-221.
Publisher:
Wiley
For decades, researchers have discovered much about how humans automatically categorize others in social perception. Some categorizations - race, gender, and age - are so automatic that they are termed "primitive categories." As we categorize, we often develop stereotypes about the categories. Researchers know much about racism and sexism, but comparatively little about prejudicing and stereotyping based on age. The articles in this issue highlight the current empirical and theoretical work by researchers in gerontology, psychology, communication, and related fields on understanding the origins and consequences of stereotyping and prejudicing against older adults. With the aging baby boomer demographic, it is especially timely for researchers to work to understand how society can shed its institutionalized ageism and promote respect for elders.
For decades, researchers have discovered much about how humans automatically categorize others in social perception. Some categorizations - race, gender, and age - are so automatic that they are termed "primitive categories." As we categorize, we often develop stereotypes about the categories. Researchers know much about racism and sexism, but comparatively little about prejudicing and stereotyping based on age. The articles in this issue highlight the current empirical and theoretical work by researchers in gerontology, psychology, communication, and related fields on understanding the origins and consequences of stereotyping and prejudicing against older adults. With the aging baby boomer demographic, it is especially timely for researchers to work to understand how society can shed its institutionalized ageism and promote respect for elders.
Subject terms:
older people, stereotyped attitudes, age discrimination, ageing, gender;
Journal of Social Issues, 61(2), June 2005, pp.375-388.
Publisher:
Wiley
Older adults are faced with numerous physical, psychological, and social role changes that challenge their sense of self and capacity to live happily. In addition, they are inundated by our youth-oriented culture with negative ageist stereotypes. Nevertheless, most older adults live happy, fulfilling lives. In this article, we review theories of the aging individual that address this apparent paradox. These theories can be largely divided into those that emphasize control and goal attainment, and those that emphasize the self's organizational capacity. Of the self-oriented theories, the authorsl highlightWhitbourne's identity process perspective, which is specific to the aging process and attempts to explain the self's unique capacity to remain stable yet change over time.
Older adults are faced with numerous physical, psychological, and social role changes that challenge their sense of self and capacity to live happily. In addition, they are inundated by our youth-oriented culture with negative ageist stereotypes. Nevertheless, most older adults live happy, fulfilling lives. In this article, we review theories of the aging individual that address this apparent paradox. These theories can be largely divided into those that emphasize control and goal attainment, and those that emphasize the self's organizational capacity. Of the self-oriented theories, the authorsl highlightWhitbourne's identity process perspective, which is specific to the aging process and attempts to explain the self's unique capacity to remain stable yet change over time.
Subject terms:
older people, stereotyped attitudes, age discrimination, ageing, gender;